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Contents > Author > Abraham Lincoln > Lyceum Address, Jan. 27, 1838 1809- 1865
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Abraham Lincoln
Lyceum Address, Jan. 27, 1838
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As a subject for the remarks of the evening, the perpetuation
of our political institutions, is selected.

In the great journal of things happening under the sun, we, the
American People, find our account running, under date of the
nineteenth century of the Christian era.-- We find ourselves in
the peaceful possession, of the fairest portion of the earth, as
regards extent of territory, fertility of soil, and salubrity of climate.
We find ourselves under the government of a system of political
institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and
religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times tells
us. We, when mounting the stage of existence, found ourselves the
legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled not in the
acquirement or establishment of them-- they are a legacy bequeathed
us, by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now lamented and
departed race of ancestors. Theirs was the task (and nobly they
performed it) to possess themselves, and through themselves, us,
of this goodly land; and to uprear upon its hills and its valleys, a
political edifice of liberty and equal rights; 'tis ours only, to transmit
these, the former, unprofaned by the foot of an invader; the latter,
undecayed by the lapse of time and untorn by usurpation, to the
latest generation that fate shall permit the world to know. This task
of gratitude to our fathers, justice to ourselves, duty to posterity,
and love for our species in general, all imperatively require us faithfully
to perform.

How then shall we perform it?-- At what point shall we expect the
approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it?--
Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant, to step the Ocean,
and crush us at a blow? Never!-- All the armies of Europe, Asia and
Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted)
in their military chest; with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not
by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge,
in a trial of a thousand years.

At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I
answer, if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us. It cannot
come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be
its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through
all time, or die by suicide.

I hope I am over wary; but if I am not, there is, even now, something
of ill-omen, amongst us. I mean the increasing disregard for law
which pervades the country; the growing disposition to substitute
the wild and furious passions, in lieu of the sober judgment of Courts;
and the worse than savage mobs, for the executive ministers of
justice. This disposition is awfully fearful in any community; and that
it now exists in ours, though grating to our feelings to admit, it would
be a violation of truth, and an insult to our intelligence, to deny.
Accounts of outrages committed by mobs, form the every-day news
of the times. They have pervaded the country, from New England to
Louisiana;-- they are neither peculiar to the eternal snows of the
former, nor the burning suns of the latter;-- they are not the creature
of climate-- neither are they confined to the slave-holding, or the
non-slave- holding States. Alike, they spring up among the pleasure
hunting masters of Southern slaves, and the order loving citizens
of the land of steady habits.-- Whatever, then, their cause may
be, it is common to the whole country.

It would be tedious, as well as useless, to recount the horrors of
all of them. Those happening in the State of Mississippi, and at
St. Louis, are, perhaps, the most dangerous in example and
revolting to humanity. In the Mississippi case, they first commenced
by hanging the regular gamblers; a set of men, certainly not
following for a livelihood, a very useful, or very honest occupation;
but one which, so far from being forbidden by the laws, was
actually licensed by an act of the Legislature, passed but a single
year before. Next, negroes, suspected of conspiring to raise an
insurrection, were caught up and hanged in all parts of the State:
then, white men, supposed to be leagued with the negroes; and
finally, strangers, from neighboring States, going thither on business,
were, in many instances subjected to the same fate. Thus went on
this process of hanging, from gamblers to negroes, from negroes to
white citizens, and from these to strangers; till, dead men were
seen literally dangling from the boughs of trees upon every road
side; and in numbers almost sufficient, to rival the native Spanish
moss of the country, as a drapery of the forest.

Turn, then, to that horror-striking scene at St. Louis. A single victim
was only sacrificed there. His story is very short; and is, perhaps,
the most highly tragic, if anything of its length, that has ever been
witnessed in real life. A mulatto man, by the name of McIntosh,
was seized in the street, dragged to the suburbs of the city,
chained to a tree, and actually burned to death; and all within
a single hour from the time he had been a freeman, attending
to his own business, and at peace with the world.

Such are the effects of mob law; and such as the scenes, becoming
more and more frequent in this land so lately famed for love of law
and order; and the stories of which, have even now grown too
familiar, to attract any thing more, than an idle remark.

But you are, perhaps, ready to ask, "What has this to do with the
perpetuation of our political institutions?" I answer, it has much
to do with it. Its direct consequences are, comparatively speaking,
but a small evil; and much of its danger consists, in the proneness
of our minds, to regard its direct, as its only consequences.
Abstractly considered, the hanging of the gamblers at Vicksburg,
was of but little consequence. They constitute a portion of population,
that is worse than useless in any community; and their death, if no
pernicious example be set by it, is never matter of reasonable regret
with any one. If they were annually swept, from the stage of
existence, by the plague or small pox, honest men would, perhaps,
be much profited, by the operation.-- Similar too, is the correct
reasoning, in regard to the burning of the negro at St. Louis. He
had forfeited his life, by the perpetuation of an outrageous murder,
upon one of the most worthy and respectable citizens of the city;
and had not he died as he did, he must have died by the sentence
of the law, in a very short time afterwards. As to him alone, it was
as well the way it was, as it could otherwise have been.-- But the
example in either case, was fearful.-- When men take it in their
heads today, to hang gamblers, or burn murderers, they should
recollect, that, in the confusion usually attending such transactions,
they will be as likely to hang or burn some one who is neither a
gambler nor a murderer as one who is; and that, acting upon
the example they set, the mob of to-morrow, may, and probably
will, hang or burn some of them by the very same mistake. And
not only so; the innocent, those who have ever set their faces
against violations of law in every shape, alike with the guilty,
fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and thus it goes on, step
by step, till all the walls erected for the defense of the persons
and property of individuals, are trodden down, and disregarded.
But all this even, is not the full extent of the evil.-- By such
examples, by instances of the perpetrators of such acts going
unpunished, the lawless in spirit, are encouraged to become
lawless in practice; and having been used to no restraint, but
dread of punishment, they thus become, absolutely unrestrained.
-- Having ever regarded Government as their deadliest bane,
they make a jubilee of the suspension of its operations; and
pray for nothing so much, as its total annihilation. While, on
the other hand, good men, men who love tranquility, who
desire to abide by the laws, and enjoy their benefits, who
would gladly spill their blood in the defense of their country;
seeing their property destroyed; their families insulted, and
their lives endangered; their persons injured; and seeing
nothing in prospect that forebodes a change for the better;
become tired of, and disgusted with, a Government that offers
them no protection; and are not much averse to a change in
which they imagine they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by
the operation of this mobocractic spirit, which all must admit,
is now abroad in the land, the strongest bulwark of any
Government, and particularly of those constituted like ours,
may effectually be broken down and destroyed-- I mean the
attachment of the People. Whenever this effect shall be produced
among us; whenever the vicious portion of population shall be
permitted to gather in bands of hundreds and thousands, and
burn churches, ravage and rob provision-stores, throw printing
presses into rivers, shoot editors, and hang and burn obnoxious
persons at pleasure, and with impunity; depend on it, this
Government cannot last. By such things, the feelings of the best
citizens will become more or less alienated from it; and thus it
will be left without friends, or with too few, and those few too
weak, to make their friendship effectual. At such a time and under
such circumstances, men of sufficient talent and ambition will not
be wanting to seize the opportunity, strike the blow, and overturn
that fair fabric, which for the last half century, has been the fondest
hope, of the lovers of freedom, throughout the world.

I know the American People are much attached to their Government;
-- I know they would suffer much for its sake;-- I know they would
endure evils long and patiently, before they would ever think of
exchanging it for another. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if the laws
be continually despised and disregarded, if their rights to be secure
in their persons and property, are held by no better tenure than
the caprice of a mob, the alienation of their affections from the
Government is the natural consequence; and to that, sooner or
later, it must come.

Here then, is one point at which danger may be expected.

The question recurs, "how shall we fortify against it?" The answer
is simple. Let every American, every lover of liberty, every well
wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the Revolution,
never to violate in the least particular, the laws of the country;
and never to tolerate their violation by others. As the patriots
of seventy-six did to the support of the Declaration of
Independence, so to the support of the Constitution and Laws,
let every American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred
honor;-- let every man remember that to violate the law, is to
trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the character
of his own, and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the laws,
be breathed by every American mother, to the lisping babe,
that prattles on her lap-- let it be taught in schools, in seminaries,
and in colleges; let it be written in Primers, spelling books, and
in Almanacs;-- let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in
legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,
let it become the political religion of the nation; and let the old
and the young, the rich and the poor, the grave and the gay,
of all sexes and tongues, and colors and conditions, sacrifice
unceasingly upon its altars.

While ever a state of feeling, such as this, shall universally,
or even, very generally prevail throughout the nation, vain
will be every effort, and fruitless every attempt, to subvert
our national freedom.

When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws,
let me not be understood as saying there are no bad laws,
nor that grievances may not arise, for the redress of which,
no legal provisions have been made.-- I mean to say no such
thing. But I do mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they
exist, should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they
continue in force, for the sake of example, they should be
religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If such
arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with
the least possible delay; but, till then, let them, if not too
intolerable, be borne with.

There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law.
In any case that arises, as for instance, the promulgation of
abolitionism, one of two positions is necessarily true; that is,
the thing is right within itself, and therefore deserves the
protection of all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong,
and therefore proper to be prohibited by legal enactments;
and in neither case, is the interposition of mob law, either
necessary, justifiable, or excusable.

But, it may be asked, why suppose danger to our political
institutions? Have we not preserved them for more than fifty
years? And why may we not for fifty times as long?

We hope there is no sufficient reason. We hope all dangers
may be overcome; but to conclude that no danger may ever
arise, would itself be extremely dangerous. There are now,
and will hereafter be, many causes, dangerous in their tendency,
which have not existed heretofore; and which are not too
insignificant to merit attention. That our government should
have been maintained in its original form from its establishment
until now, is not much to be wondered at. It had many props
to support it through that period, which now are decayed, and
crumbled away. Through that period, it was felt by all, to be
an undecided experiment; now, it is understood to be a
successful one.-- Then, all that sought celebrity and fame, and
distinction, expected to find them in the success of that experiment.
Their all was staked upon it:-- their destiny was inseparably linked
with it. Their ambition aspired to display before an admiring world,
a practical demonstration of the truth of a proposition, which had
hitherto been considered, at best no better, than problematical;
namely, the capability of a people to govern themselves. If they
succeeded, they were to be immortalized; their names were to
be transferred to counties and cities, and rivers and mountains;
and to be revered and sung, and toasted through all time. If they
failed, they were to be called knaves and fools, and fanatics for
a fleeting hour; then to sink and be forgotten. They succeeded.
The experiment is successful; and thousands have won their
deathless names in making it so. But the game is caught; and
I believe it is true, that with the catching, end the pleasures of
the chase. This field of glory is harvested, and the crop is already
appropriated. But new reapers will arise, and they, too, will seek
a field. It is to deny, what the history of the world tells us is true,
to suppose that men of ambition and talents will not continue
to spring up amongst us. And, when they do, they will as naturally
seek the gratification of their ruling passion, as others have so
done before them. The question then, is, can that gratification
be found in supporting and maintaining an edifice that has been
erected by others? Most certainly it cannot. Many great and good
men sufficiently qualified for any task they should undertake,
may ever be found, whose ambition would inspire to nothing
beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair;
but such belong not to the family of the lion, or the tribe of the
eagle. What! think you these places would satisfy an Alexander,
a Caesar, or a Napoleon?-- Never! Towering genius distains
a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored.-- It sees
no distinction in adding story to story, upon the monuments
of fame, erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is
glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in
the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts
and burns for distinction; and, if possible, it will have it,
whether at the expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving
freemen. Is it unreasonable then to expect, that some man
possessed of the loftiest genius, coupled with ambition
sufficient to push it to its utmost stretch, will at some time,
spring up among us? And when such a one does, it will require
the people to be united with each other, attached to the
government and laws, and generally intelligent, to successfully
frustrate his designs.

Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would
as willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm;
yet, that opportunity being past, and nothing left to be done in
the way of building up, he would set boldly to the task of pulling

Here, then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a
one as could not have well existed heretofore.

Another reason which once was; but which, to the same extent,
is now no more, has done much in maintaining our institutions
thus far. I mean the powerful influence which the interesting
scenes of the revolution had upon the passions of the people
as distinguished from their judgment. By this influence, the
jealousy, envy, and avarice, incident to our nature, and so
common to a state of peace, prosperity, and conscious strength,
were, for the time, in a great measure smothered and rendered
inactive; while the deep-rooted principles of hate, and the
powerful motive of revenge, instead of being turned against
each other, were directed exclusively against the British nation.
And thus, from the force of circumstances, the basest principles
of our nature, were either made to lie dormant, or to become
the active agents in the advancement of the noblest cause--
that of establishing and maintaining civil and religious liberty.

But this state of feeling must fade, is fading, has faded,
with the circumstances that produced it.

I do not mean to say, that the scenes of the revolution are now
or ever will be entirely forgotten; but that like every thing else,
they must fade upon the memory of the world, and grow more
and more dim by the lapse of time. In history, we hope, they
will be read of, and recounted, so long as the bible shall be
read;-- but even granting that they will, their influence cannot
be what it heretofore has been. Even then, they cannot be so
universally known, nor so vividly felt, as they were by the
generation just gone to rest. At the close of that struggle,
nearly every adult male had been a participator in some of its
scenes. The consequence was, that of those scenes, in the
form of a husband, a father, a son or brother, a living history
was to be found in every family-- a history bearing the
indubitable testimonies of its own authenticity, in the limbs
mangled, in the scars of wounds received, in the midst of the
very scenes related-- a history, too, that could be read and
understood alike by all, the wise and the ignorant, the learned
and the unlearned.-- But those histories are gone. They can
be read no more forever. They were a fortress of strength;
but, what invading foeman could never do, the silent artillery
of time has done; the leveling of its walls. They are gone.-- They
were a forest of giant oaks; but the all-resistless hurricane has
swept over them, and left only, here and there, a lonely trunk,
despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its foliage; unshading and
unshaded, to murmur in a few gentle breezes, and to combat
with its mutilated limbs, a few more ruder storms, then to sink,
and be no more.

They were the pillars of the temple of liberty; and now, that
they have crumbled away, that temple must fall, unless we,
their descendants, supply their places with other pillars,
hewn from the solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped
us; but can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy.
Reason, cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish
all the materials for our future support and defence.-- Let those
materials be moulded into general intelligence, sound morality,
and in particular, a reverence for the constitution and laws:
and, that we improved to the last; that we remained free to
the last; that we revered his name to the last; that, during
his long sleep, we permitted no hostile foot to pass over or
desecrate his resting place; shall be that which to learn the
last trump shall awaken our WASHINGTON.

Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock
of its basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater
institution, "the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."

(Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois,
January 27, 1838-- published in the Sangamon Journal )

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